| 1 | '''A new level of attack on the movement''' |
| 2 | |
| 3 | |
| 4 | The attack on reproductive choice organizations – the National Network |
| 5 | of Abortion Funds and its companion sites – whose websites and mail |
| 6 | lists are hosted by May First, and the subsequent attack on May First |
| 7 | itself, is a new level of attack on our movement. This is an attack on |
| 8 | the politics and organizations in the struggle for reproductive choice |
| 9 | and justice for women – especially working class and women of color. And |
| 10 | it is also an attack on the movement technology organization, May First, |
| 11 | which provides technological support for these organizations and struggles. |
| 12 | |
| 13 | Technology and social media provide much of the connectivity so critical |
| 14 | for today’s social movement communication, mobilizations, and campaigns. |
| 15 | To go after that technological connectivity and the organization that is |
| 16 | the provider takes the attack on the movement to a higher level. |
| 17 | The message is loud and clear. Our movement has to understand the high |
| 18 | stakes of the current political moment, in terms of our politics and our |
| 19 | technological connectivity. They are deeply interrelated, and we have to |
| 20 | think and act on them holistically. In other parts of the world, as |
| 21 | movements communicated and mobilized through the internet and social |
| 22 | media, governments shut them down. |
| 23 | |
| 24 | Without movement technology – safe from oppositional and government |
| 25 | attack – our movement will not be able to remain connected, mobilized, |
| 26 | and in political alignment. The intense attack on the National Network |
| 27 | of Abortion Funds and its companion sites, and on May First is a |
| 28 | question of women’s right to reproductive choice and justice and |
| 29 | protection of the technology that connects the struggle. This attack is |
| 30 | also an attack on the movement – on all of our struggles and on our |
| 31 | ability technologically to safely communicate and stay connected. |
| 32 | |
| 33 | (Walda Katz-Fishman) |
| 34 | |
| 35 | |
| 36 | |
| 37 | COMMENTS AND ADDITIONAL THOUGHTS to Guide our work: |
| 38 | |
| 39 | === |
| 40 | Online attacks against women's rights and reproductive or sexual |
| 41 | rights groups in particular are not uncommon. Perhaps in the US they are |
| 42 | not as common as in other parts of the world. But, in the scope of |
| 43 | online vulnerability, sexual rights groups remain at the top of that |
| 44 | spectrum and always have been. |
| 45 | |
| 46 | Second, while this attack against their and our online infrastructure is |
| 47 | by no means minor or unimportant, I do want to remind us that women who |
| 48 | seek out abortion and those who help them face violence and abuse |
| 49 | offline. The murder, rape and violence that is and has been waged |
| 50 | against women and men who fight for reproductive and sexual rights would |
| 51 | be important to acknowledge. It's a systematic campaign that has been |
| 52 | going on for decades. DDoS is merely a new tactic in a much larger |
| 53 | campaign of violence against women's bodies. |
| 54 | |
| 55 | Adding these considerations into the text I believe will better |
| 56 | contextualize what we mean by "high stakes". These deeper reflections |
| 57 | will also allow us to make the connection between individual/isolated |
| 58 | online attacks and offline attacks, all of which are attacks on the |
| 59 | movement. |
| 60 | (Mallory) |
| 61 | ---- |